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Der Beitrag gibt einen detaillierten Überblick über die einzelnen rechtsextremistischen Parteien und Gruppierungen in Rußland. Zahlreiche extremistische nationalistische und imperialistische Gruppierungen in der Russischen Föderation fordern die Wiederherstellung der UdSSR. Andere haben demgegenüber die Schaffung eines reinen russischen Nationalstaats zum Ziel. Während die meisten nationalistischen Gruppen antisemitisch ausgerichtet sind, versteht sich eine Reihe von ihnen auch als antichristlich. Viele der Gruppen verfügen jedoch nur über eine minimale Mitgliedschaft. Einige der Gruppen verbinden nationalistische und kommunistische Programmpunkte miteinander. (BIOst-Mrk)

POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS ENJOY CONSIDERABLE LEGAL PROTECTION UNDER JAPAN'S POSTWAR CONSTITUTION, AND RIGHT-WING ORGANIZATIONS ACQUIRED ADDITIONAL POLITICAL PROTECTION DURING FOUR DECADES OF UNINTERRUPTED RULE BY THE CONSERVATIVE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. THESE CIRCUMSTANCE FACILITATED THE DEVELOPMENT OR RE-EMERGENCE OF (1) COMPLEX LINKS AND OVERLAPPING MEMBERSHIPS BETWEEN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL GROUPS, ORGANIZED CRIME GROUPS (YAKUZA), AND PROFESSIONAL CORPORATE EXTORTIONISTS (SOKAIYA); (2) TOLERANCE AND ENCOURAGEMENT BY STATE AUTHORITIES OF THE USE OF VIOLENCE BY SUCH GROUPS AS FORMS OF PRIVATE POLICING; AND (3) THE FORMATION OF BOGUS RIGHT-WING GROUPS TO FACILITATE EXTORTION, INTIMIDATION, AND POLITICAL CORRUPTION UNDER COVER OF LEGAL PROTECTIONS AFFORDED TO POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS. THIS SITUATION IS REASSESSED IN LIGHT OF NEW LEGISLATION, CURRENT CHANGES IN THE JAPANESE POLITICAL SITUATION AND A RECENT INFLUX OF FOREIGN WORKERS.

Considers some persistent quandaries for the Right on immigration in the 1990s. Among the unresolved questions are concerns about the proper role of the state: in regulating the flow of cheap labour across borders, in acting to redress economic inequality versus letting people fend for themselves, and in preserving cultural homogeneity and the supremacy of white, native-born citizens.

Examines some themes of the conservative campaign to impose 'traditional values' upon the American body politic. With the Right defining issues on the basis of the personal moral values of the mother, larger issues such as poverty and the deteriorating physical and social environment are conveniently ignored. (PAS)

The following article main contribution falls within the domain of methodology as it draws attention on the strength of visual analysis within the field of study of populism. The work elaborates on a visual analy-sis of the posters published to advertise two events – a concert in memory of Jan Palash and the World Congress of Families – organized in Verona in the early months of 2019 by a set of organizations linked to the right and the extreme right and to conservative catholic stances. These politicized organizations carry out a specific type of cultural-political work and operate at the edge of the political sphere, by building alliances with (extreme) right-wing political actors and by lobbying political institutions. The visual analysis is geared at bringing agencies and ambivalences to the fore and allows to uncover (a) the 'communicative camouflage' of these organizations who spread radical right and catholic conservative messages, traditionally marked by highly recognizable communication features and symbols, in more neutral, moderate and positive forms; (b) the deployment of some populist elements in their communication strategy, such as the reference to welfare chauvinism, to the first Conte government as well as the identification of the 'natural family' as an homogenizing category associated with the good and moral side of society. While these features are per se not sufficient to define these organizations as fully populist actors, they are nonetheless important to underscore the role played by these organizations in spreading extremely polarized messages in a more digestible way for broader audiences by means of a communicative camouflage and of populist elements in their communication strategy.

THIS ARTICLE REVIEWS THE BACKGROUND TO THE RISE OF THE RIGHT WING IN SOUGHT AFRICA AND ARGUES THAT THERE HAS ALWAYS BEEN A STRAND IN AFRIKANER POLITICS WITH A PROCLIVITY TO VIOLENCE. THE TRANSFORMATION IN SOUGHT AFRICA BEGAN IN THE 1980S AND ACCELERATED IN THE 1990S, ALIENATING CONSERVATIVES AND THOSE IN THE SECURITY FORCES WHO WERE STILL IN THE GRIP OF THE MILITARIST DOCTRINES ESPOUSED DURING THE P.W. BOTH ERA. HIT SQUADS, DIRTY TRICKS AND EFFORTS TO DESTABILISE NEIGHBOURING GOVERNMENTS WERE PART OF THE STATE'S RESPONSE TO THE RISE OF BLACK MILITANCE IN THE 1980S. TERRORISM WAS ALSO PRACTISED BY PARAMILITARY RIGHT-WING GROUPS, THE BIGGEST OF WHICH WAS THE AFRIKANER WEERSTANDSBEWGING (AWB). EVENTUALLY THE RIGHT-WING COUNTERREVOLUTION FAILED, IN LARGE MEASURE BECAUSE POTENTIALLY THE MOST EFFECTIVE OF THE PARAMILITARY FORCES, LED BY RETIRED GENERAL CONSTAND VILJOEN, REJECTED THE OPTION OF VIOLENCE AND SOUGHT INSTEAD A NEGOTIATED ACCOMMODATION.

Treats the postwar development of the radical Right in Italy in 4 periods, although these should not be considered too rigidly. These encompass the Fascist resurgence (1946-1955), the second phase (1955-1975), the turning point of the mid 1970s, and the Spontaneismo armator (armed spontaneity). (JLN)